Why would Federalism be preferable in Somalia?

Abdirahman A. Warsame makes some very good points of Somalia's contentious system of government in his most recent article posted on Hiiraan Online[i],.  He accurately underlined that Federalism - as type of Government won't take root unchallenged for a country like Somalia that has been chaotic for decades. He further underscored that Somalis' Provisional constitution must be a source of conflict in terms of its interpretation; which of course seems quite rational because of Somalis' nature of interpretation.  Take as an example of Somali Parliament of today, because of Interpretation of Rules of Procedure (Xeer Hoosaadka) of Somalis' House of the  Federal Republic of the  Parliament, Mps daily fight over an issue that can sometimes be easily reconciled to. However, it is in the other things claimed that his analysis falls short.

To me, the concept why some clans like Digil and Mirifle do prefer Federalism is quite rooted in prevailing socio-economic and political traits as well as land expropriation rather than just a historic review or a fear of  single clan dominance.  In addition to what A. A. Warsame talked about in his writing, the politics of land expropriation has been utilized since Post-Independent regimes and is still quite favorable option for so many Somali political elites.  Both Hawiye and Daarood clans compete for the control and domination of the inter-reverine region (Mukhtar and Kusow 1993:2)[ii]. And most of the clannish wars were concentrated in the Southern parts of the country, which inhabitants of those most fertile part of the country became the majority victims of these wars, (Abdulahi A. Osman: 2007)[iii]. Moreover, former despotic regime adopted the so-called 'resettlement scheme of 1973-1974' by transplanting over  100, 000 Pastoralists in Lower Shabelle and Middle Juba Valleys.  The three sites-chosen - Kunturwaray, Sablale and Dujuma; are the most fertile parts in the inter-reverine region. (M. Haji Mukhtar:  1996)[iv]. Nevertheless, the attempt to expel the indigenous population did not stop there. At the climax of the civil war, warlords and the successive authorities similarly implemented same tactics by defeating the former occupier while in other cases un-holly alliances under unjustifiable banners were the instrument.  It was just on 26 of November when Community Elders from Lower Shabelle met under a tree in No. 50 neighborhood denouncing the repeated wars in the region[v] that sorry to say the Somali Army got implicated.  For those people, they are defenseless against the strong; organized and armed groups periodically exploiting in the name of government. Their defense point should be just a devolution of power that guarantees indispensable right of their land. Needless to say Somali Federal Government (SFG) has also seemed unwilling to adopt a durable and reconciled strategy for the renewed aggressive ambition for the control of that region by some of its associates despite paying several trips to the region.

Furthermore, the argument for Federation goes beyond land issue. As A. A. Warsame also elaborated, the resource allocation, power distribution, wealth opportunities, revenue sharing you name it; all have been desperately abused at the expense of the  majority whose livelihood has been shattered. The State was seen as an instrument of accumulation and domination, enriching and empowering those who control it and exploiting and oppressing the rest, (Marco Zoppi, Nov 2013)[vi]. The trajectory of the abuse of the State Institutions never stopped in Somali politics not because of ignorance but because of Bedouin. Pseudo-politicians use it as instrument to suppress others they regard as rivalries. Astonishingly, to this current government over 50 percent of Director Generals for the ministries belong to a single clan. And in the same way, almost all of the Senior Managerial positions of the State is run by one clan who hold unequivocal power to all significant decisions that impact the lives of hundreds of Somalis. Bureaucratic offices like Civil Aviation General Manager, Port Authority, Airport Manager, Chamber of Commerce, Solicitor General, Accountant General, Disaster Management Agency, Immigration and Naturalization Department as well as National Independent Commissions like National Reconciliation Commission and National Civil Service Commission (NCSC) are all dominated by only one clan. Equally from 1960 to 1990, there were 26 governments that nominated a total of 567 posts. Only 31 of these were allocated to Digil and Mirifle clan compared to 216 posts to  Daarood, 125 posts to Hawiye and 102 to Isaaq, (Abdullahi A. Osman: 2007)[vii].

As this  sort of political domination is still prerequisite in the contemporary Somali politics and is likely to continue for the foreseeable generation; the only viable solution for the Somali nation must be a genuine devolution of power. Federalism shall accomplish the task of preserving national unity through the distribution of powers and sovereignty between the central state and the autonomous territorial entities operating within it. It shall ensure the peaceful coexistence of peoples, while recognizing their diversity. (Marco Zoppi: Nov 2013)[viii].

Abdulkadir Suleiman

Political Analyst

sabriye04@gmail.com

End Notes

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[i]  Hiiraan Online, "Can Somalia be federated?", Abdurahman Abdishakur Warsame,  http://www.hiiraan.com/op4/2013/nov/52139/can_somalia_be_federated.aspx

[ii] Mukhtar, Mohamed H. & Kusow, Abdi, 'A visiting Mission Report: Bottom-up Approach in Reconciliation in the Inter-river Regions of Somalia', August 18 - Sep 23, 1993 or

Mukhar, Mohamed H. 'The plight of Agro-pastoral Society of Somalia', Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 23, Issue 70, P544,  (December, 1996), http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03056249608704222#.UqNTyfSTzwg

[iii] Abdulahi A. Osman, 'Cultural Diversity and the Somali Conflict: Myth or Reality?', African Journal on Conflict Resolution, Vol. 7, No. 2, P98, (2007),  http://www.ajol.info/index.php/ajcr/article/view/39412

[iv] Mukhar, Mohamed H. 'The plight of Agro-pastoral Society of Somalia', Review of African Political Economy, Vol.   23, Issue 70, P550,  (December, 1996)

[v] Jowhar.com, http://www.jowhar.com/news.php?readmore=2272

[vi] Wardheer News, "Federalism: A valid Instrument For Reconciliation in Somalia", Marco Zoppi, http://www.wardheernews.com/federalism-valid-instrument-reconciliation-somalia/

[vii] Abdulahi A. Osman, 'Cultural Diversity and the Somali Conflict: Myth or Reality?', African Journal on Conflict Resolution, Vol. 7, No. 2, P104, (2007),

[viii] Wardheer News, "Federalism: A valid Instrument For Reconciliation in Somalia", Marco Zoppi, http://www.wardheernews.com/federalism-valid-instrument-reconciliation-somalia/

"Didiinglay dhamaateih"